Energy Security is National Security: The North America Connection
by Carlos Díaz-Rosillo, PhD, NCF24 Fellow; Founding Director, The Adam Smith Center for Economic Freedom, Florida International University
Energy sufficiency is a fundamental component of national security, particularly in North America, and it must be considered a key element of the regional security agenda. The United States is the world's largest producer of natural gas and oil. Thanks to the exploitation of shale gas through fracking, the country has become a key energy exporter. Canada is one of the leading producers of oil sands and hydroelectric power, allowing it to meet its own energy demands and export a significant portion of its production to the U.S. Additionally, Canada has important reserves of critical minerals. Mexico, which has traditionally been an important oil producer and has benefited from the affordable natural gas prices in the American market, is facing a decline in oil production and growing electricity demand.
The USMCA (United States-Mexico-Canada Agreement) has facilitated energy exchange and the expansion of critical transnational infrastructure. It provided an important launch pad for energy cooperation, but more needs to be done. From this idea arise five major challenges that the United States, Mexico, and Canada must tackle together:
Energy self-sufficiency
Decreased energy prices
Increased global influence
Greater influence in the geopolitics of the energy transition
Cooperation in energy cybersecurity
Energy self-sufficiency is crucial for ensuring a reliable energy supply. This would have a positive impact not only on national security (for obvious reasons), but also on reducing energy costs for families and industries in North America. By reducing dependence on foreign sources, the three countries can minimize the risks associated with fluctuations in international oil and natural gas prices, leading to more stable and predictable prices for consumers.
The U.S., with its vast shale gas resources, and Canada, with its enormous oil sands reserves and hydroelectric power, can provide resources that help Mexico lower its import costs, which is critical for its economy and industrial growth. The development of infrastructure, such as cross-border pipelines, is an important step in this direction, facilitating the smooth exchange of energy between countries and strengthening their collective self-sufficiency. Additionally, Mexico could benefit from Canada’s technological innovations as one of the largest producers of hydroelectric power or advance its nuclear program by collaborating with the U.S., gaining access to advanced technology, particularly in Small Modular Reactors (SMR).
Projects like the Texas-Tuxpan pipeline, which supplies Mexico with natural gas from the U.S., and the Keystone Pipeline, which connects Canada to refineries in the U.S., are examples of how energy interdependence also strengthens collective security. Reducing dependence on foreign energy sources and raw materials is essential, as it leaves our countries vulnerable to trade decisions by other nations or geopolitical dynamics, as was the case during the oil crisis of the 1970s. These types of projects reinforce energy interdependence in North America, contributing to regional energy supply stability.
Increased production, interconnection, and joint actions in this area also present an opportunity to gain greater global influence as a bloc. The shared capacity to export energy should be used by our countries as an element of foreign policy, focusing on reducing Europe and Asia’s current dependence on countries like Russia. The geopolitical leadership of the hemisphere has been threatened by the high dependence that other economic blocs have on Russia and its allies.
A great example of the tremendous potential of increased energy cooperation in North America, if properly designed and implemented, is the Energía Costa Azul project, originally created to supply gas to California and Arizona but now set to become a center for exporting American gas to Asia via Mexico. The conversion of this facility required an investment of over two billion dollars by Sempra Energy, which announced its decision following a meeting between Presidents López Obrador and Trump in July 2020 regarding the entry into force of the USMCA. However, what was expected to be the first in a network of facilities with the potential to reach the Asian market in half the current travel time, has become the only export hub due to the current American administration’s inexplicable bans on gas exports.
A Congressional bill, H.R. 7176, the Unlocking our Domestic LNG Potential Act of 2024, is awaiting debate in the Senate. It proposes granting the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission (FERC), an independent agency, exclusive authority to approve the construction and operation of LNG export facilities. This bill would allow the FERC to counter the misguided decision of the administration to halt these projects.
There is great anticipation in this sector with the upcoming U.S. presidential election and a potential change in government toward leadership that defends the full utilization of our regional energy potential, which would not only Make American Energy Great Again but also make all of North America more powerful.
Moreover, by acting as a cohesive energy bloc, the United States, Mexico, and Canada can establish strategic relationships with other regions and countries, even within the Americas. Venezuela's case is emblematic, and its oil production has undoubtedly influenced the dangerous concessions that the U.S. government has made to this dictatorial regime in our own hemisphere.
North America also has the potential to significantly influence the geopolitics of the energy transition. This North American bloc combines crucial advantages: abundant reserves of critical minerals like lithium and rare earth elements, a robust manufacturing capacity, especially in Mexico and the U.S., vast renewable resources, and a leading global innovation ecosystem. These factors allow for the creation of an integrated value chain in clean technologies, from raw material extraction to the production of electric vehicles and advanced batteries. Additionally, the joint development of green hydrogen technologies and renewable energies diversifies the energy supply. By setting industrial standards and driving innovation, North America could position itself as a geopolitical counterweight to China and Russia, shaping global clean energy markets and climate policies with a model based on regional cooperation and technological advancement.
Finally, energy cybersecurity is another component of this shared security challenge. As electrical grids and pipeline control systems become digitized, the risk of cyberattacks that could disrupt energy supplies increases. The three countries have begun implementing joint policies to protect their critical infrastructures from these threats, but there is still a long way to go.
The benefits of greater energy cooperation could reach a new level of intensity with changes in political leadership in Mexico and in the United States. The new Mexican administration will face the practical dilemma of deepening its relationship with its neighbor and main partner, overcoming previous political differences, among other things, to capitalize on the historic phenomenon of nearshoring. In the case of the U.S., the new administration will have the opportunity to grant permits for the exploitation of vast deposits that will allow the country to regain the energy independence it achieved when President Trump was in office. This will be of great importance to all the countries of North America because energy security is indeed national security.
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